Strategic Alliances
Thursday, August 17th, 2006Although coordination and targeting constitute important means by which managers are, in pat, engineering their firms’s environments, they are difficult to alter in the short run: Rules of thumb guide managers’ advertising budgets and charitable and political contributions; it takes time for students to absorb information; forming relationships and systematically influencing regulators, judges, and legislators can pay off only in the long run. Strategic coordination and targeting, although valuable in coping with competition, prove less useful in contending with shortrun environmental changes. For faster operational benefits, managers forging strategic alliances with competitors.
In the last decade, we witnessed an explosive increase in the frequency and volume of direct collaborative deals being struck by firms in many U.S. industries. Cooperation was eased by the Reagan administration’s inclination to follow the early lead set by postwar Japan and many European countries in recognizing that competition unfolds on a global level. With antitrust laws out of favor, U.S. regulators found themselves supporting the formation of strategic alliances, particularly evident in the deregulated airline, financial services, and telecommunications communities.
In contrast to informal agreements and other forms of cooperation among competitors, alliances consist of formal contractual relationships that managers form to manage heightened competition and uncertainty and acquire capabilities at minimal expense.
Choosing Allies
Firms experience two principal forms of interdependence: horizontal and vertical. Horizontal interdependence binds competing firms into an industry: All managers in the industry perceive a sense of shared fate because the actions of any of their firms directly and negatively impinges on either the market share, the product, or the prices of its rivals. Increases in car sales at General Motors generally mean decreases at Ford and Chrysler, so auto manufacturers are horizontally interdependent. Much like competition between sports teams, horizontal interdependence produces in managers perceptions that their firms’ fates are negatively linked, that they should act to obstruct competitors’ effective actions and resist providing assistance.
In contrast, vertical interdependence is a form of mutualism. Firms whose activities are vertically related share an interest in each others’ actions: Both perceive gains and losses in similar ways. So environmental developments that threaten the market of U.S. auto manufacturers, for instance, also endanger firms in vertically related industries, be they safety glass and mirror manufacturers, parts suppliers, or tire makers. More akin to partners in a relay race, vertically related firms’ managers strive for mutual benefit, focus on their long-term interests, provide mutual assistance, and often act to prevent each other from making ineffective actions. The fashionable marriages of suppliers to their manufacturers and distributors forces a convergence of interests that translates into a common world view among managers.
Historically stable horizontal and vertical linkages can change suddenly as firms experience rivalry from industries producing increasingly close substitutes. In the late 60s, the once placid metal canning industry faced dramatic increases in horizontal and vertical interdependence due to technological developments in the production of styrofoam, glass, plastic, and paper containers. Similarly, synthetic fabrics developed by chemical companies such as Du Pont represented diagonal intrusions that increased horizontal and vertical interdependence in the textile industry in the late 1950s, disrupting relationships between weaving mills and their cotton and wool suppliers.
As managers have detected increasing horizontal and vertical interdependence, they began by forging bilateral alliances, the two most common forms of which were licensing and joint venture agreements.
Managers licensed rivals’ technologies when they proved too difficult either to imitate or supersede. Licensing provides a low cost means of filling customers’ demands, and frequently occurs between horizontal competitors operating in different markets: In 1982, for instance, over 31,000 overseas firms held licensing agreements with U.S. firms. Licensing has been the preferred mode of interfacing around mature and peripheral technologies in which firms faced little threat from rivals’ knowledge acquisition. More critically, licensing has featured prominently as a competitive tool in recent cutting-edge technologies where managers license widely to promote a product standard and dominate a market.
Sony’s failure to license Betamax technology, for instance, ultimately led to its defeat by the alliance of firms forged in 1975 by JVC and Matsushita with Hitachi, Sharp, and Mitsubishi, which was centered around the alternative VHS technology. AT&T’s managers gambled on the competitive advantage licensing could provide when it decided to compete with IBM’s proprietary operating system for personal computers by licensing its UNIX operating system to an alliance of rival manufacturers.
While joint ventures enabled firms to tap a competitor’s technology, distribution system, or market, they were also beneficial to managers whose firms had complementary skills or assets. Although joint ventures occurred between direct competitors, they were more likely to result between vertically related firms. Conservative estimates by the U.S. Department of Commerce, for instance, place the number of joint ventures involving foreign companies in 1982 at 16,000. In most of these ventures, managers sought to combine the market or distributional knowledge of a competitor with their firms’ complementary knowledge about products or technologies.
Selection of joint ventures appears strongly influenced by the specificity of the assets managers were required to commit to the transaction. The more specialized the commitment managers had to make, the more likely they were to fear that their partners in the transaction would behave opportunistically, and the more they insisted on a joint venture rather than a contract. The joint venture created a superior framework for monitoring and enforcing partners’ gains from tha° transaction than did a simple contract.
Moreover, joint ventures could be either symmetrical or asymmetrical: Symmetrical joint ventures link partners horizontally; assymetrical joint ventures bind firms vertically. Many symmetrical joint ventures occurred between European banks interested in penetrating the U.S. market; Philips/Du Pont Optical, however, is an asymmetric joint venture between both firms established to manufacture and sell compact disks-a horizontal investment for European disk manufacturer Philips, and a diversification into consumer electronics for Du Pont.
As interdependence intensified further in the 1980s, managers participated in more multilateral alliances. Trade associations are one such form of multilateral link. However, trade associations could seldom alter the strategic positions of their member firms. Take the highly competitive TV networks. In election years, each has traditionally spent millions of dollars in conducting independent voter surveys. In a much-criticized break with tradition, ABC, NBC, CBS, and CNN formed a multilateral alliance to conduct voter surveys in 1990 and produce vote projections across the country. Since each network based its projections on the same information, their artificial competition was eliminated, with no network gaining an advantage over the others.
The National Cooperative Research Act of 1984 officially authorized U.S. competitors to pool resources into research consortia. Most notable has been the successful chip making consortium Sematech, funded jointly by member companies and $500 million from the U.S. Pentagon. In the 1980s, managers formed a number of such consortia because interdependence required more than the simple centralization and coordination of information that could be obtained through traditional trade assocations. Consortia can enhance firms’ competitive strength by enabling them to capitalize on economies of scale and reduce risk, frequently in research.51 In recent years, managers have relied heavily on research consortia to keep up with new developments, to acquire new technologies, and to cultivate industry-wide product standards and prototype technologies. The latest round of U.S. budget proposals has spawned renewed debate about government’s role in boosting R&D spending to create a level playing field for American firms competing with European and Japanese rivals whose governments actively nurture domestic
industries.
Finally, many managers in the 1980s committed their firms to complex shared equity arrangements. Multilateral equity ownership in a newly created firm is justified principally when specialized assets must be dedicated to the activity, when transactions between all the firms are likely to recur, and when uncertainty is high. In complex spider-web shared equity ventures, for instance, a large number of firms network around a single pivotal equity partner.’
In 1990, entrepreneurial biotech specialist Genentech was swallowed up by cash-rich Roche Holdings, parent of pharmaceuticals giant Hoffman-La Roche. It thereafter turned away from its historically self-reliant posture and formed diverse alliances. To capitalize more quickly on technological developments in related areas, the company invested minority stakes in a network of start-ups. Recent accounts suggest that its managers are considering setting up an in-house venture capital fund of its own to actively search and promote these kinds of collaborations.


